Did the Big Man bring his faithful to the promised land?
Wednesday, March 05, 2008
By Maurice Hayes
The announcement that Ian Paisley will stand down as First Minister in the
Northern Ireland Executive and Leader of the DUP, while not unexpected,
still comes as something of a shock to the system.
It also marks the end of one the most remarkable odysseys in modern Irish
politics - from street preacher to statesman, from turbulent priest to the
father of his people, from agitator to administrator, from eternal outsider
to the centre of the Establishment, from the gospel hut and the mission tent
to marbled halls and the Oval Office.
In a long career his demise
has been predicted often enough (and never less emphatically than when the
representatives of loyalist paramilitarism jeered at him outside the
building in which they had signed up to the Good Friday Agreement) but he
saw off all rivals, foreign and domestic and now he is being seen off
himself.
For have no doubt, seeing off it is - his retirement,
while timely in many respects, is almost certainly not voluntary.
In his time he saw off no fewer than four Prime Ministers of Northern
Ireland - Terence O'Neill, James Chichester Clark, Brian Faulkner, and
latterly David Trimble as First Minister.
Internal rivals both in
church and party fared no better.
Indeed, the most dangerous
position over the years has been that of chief lieutenant as Major Bunting,
the Rev William Beattie and others could testify - except for one, Peter
Robinson, his almost certain successor and even he has had his periods of
difficulty.
Now Paisley is removed if not brought down, by the
forces he himself created, both in church and party.
The
difficulty is that he is being contested from two sides by those who blame
him for supping with the devil (and even more for appearing to enjoy it) and
those secularist reformers in the party who wish to settle the succession
and get on with the business in hand.
What happens now will depend
on the outcome over the next couple of months on the struggle between these
two tendencies in the DUP.
Reading between the lines of Gerry
Adams' Ard Fheis speech at the weekend this is clearly what is exercising
minds in Sinn Fein, when he paid tribute to Ian Paisley and called on the
reformists in the DUP to stand up to the 'naysayers'.
It has been a
new experience for Ian Paisley to be at the centre of things - and yet there
are those who argue that that was where he yearned to be all along.
For most of his life he was the eternal outsider throwing rhetoric at whatever
organisation of institution he was not in.
He was an outsider in
all the great pillars of the unionist hegemony - the Unionist Party, the
Presbyterian Church and the Orange Order.
His greatest insurance
when he became top dog in the North was that, unlike his predecessors he did
not have a Paisley on the outside trying to undermine him. How ironic it is
that in the end the real sappers were insiders in church and party.
As with any political cleric there will always be a debate as to which came
first.
Did he use his position in the church as a springboard to
politics as some of his enemies allege, or did he espouse politics to defend
the religious positions and values he embraced? I tend to the latter view,
but his was the religion of Calvin and Knox, neither divorced from politics
and the joint pillars of his position were the Bible and Williamite
settlement.
I remember a March evening nearly 50 years ago when as
town clerk of Downpatrick I was invited with the chairman to tea with the
Archbishop of Canterbury, Dr Ramsay, in Dundrum.
Unusually for the
time we were surrounded in the gathering dusk by police and B Specials until
someone said that we could be let past.
I asked who we should not
have been and, in an unconscious echo of Mahaffey on Pearse, a B Special
replied, "Sir, there's a man called Paisley."
This was
the Paisley of the time, the agitator, the enfant terrible, the scourge of
Ecumenists, the proselytiser, the bogeyman used to put Catholic children to
bed. The sixties saw him emerge into street agitation and violence (never
personal but fuelled by his rhetoric) and then into politics as he took on
one unionist sacred cow after another.
He did not get there by
accident - a forceful man with at times demonic energy, great intellectual
horse power, rhetorical ability and a gift for the cutting phrase that comes
straight from 17th century polemics.
He was indeed an opportunist
with a great capacity for tactical withdrawal and an instinct for self
preservation. He flirted at times with paramilitaries but kept himself
within at least the letter of the law.
He was a rabble-rouser, at
times feeding off the passions of his audience, but he was a man too of
charm and wit, a good companion with an ability to communicate with ordinary
people that eluded both O'Neill and Trimble.
He was an amazingly
assiduous and effective constituency MP who never spared himself in the
interest of his constituents, whether they had voted for him or not, whether
Catholic or Protestant.
Indeed his large personal vote showed his
capacity to draw votes from beyond the DUP and from Catholics and
nationalists. In Europe he worked effectively in partnership with John Hume.
Cynics will say that had it not been for the activities of both Paisley and
the IRA over the decades agreement may not have been necessary or so long
delayed. As it was they fed off each other.
The question will be
asked why? Another more pressing question is - what now? The anxiety in Sinn
Fein was evident at the Ard Fheis, a hope that if Paisley did not survive
that his legacy might live on in the form of a working Executive.
The short answer is that it will because the politicos in both DUP and Sinn
Fein want it to work - indeed need it to do so, they having nowhere else to
go.
There may be fewer smiles, a more Spartan way of doing
business with Peter Robinson, difficulties over policing and the Irish
Language Act but survive it will.
It is much too early to write
Paisley's political epitaph or even to judge how he will be remembered - for
his youthful excesses - the turbulence of his middle years, or his final
apotheosis.
A lot will depend on the durability of the agreement
he made with Sinn Fein and the institutions he created.
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