Margaret Thatcher: Her iron will for change remodelled our political and economic landscape... whether we really liked it or not
Andy McSmith, Ben Chu, Richard Garner and Jeremy Laurance take a closer look at Margaret Thatcher's strengths and weaknesses and her effects on everyday life in her 11 years in Downing Street
Margaret Thatcher came to power determined to curb the trade unions after the strike epidemic of the 1970s, and to reduce government subsidies to the industry.
The steel industry was the first to be affected, after Ian MacGregor, a partner in a New York merchant bank, had been coaxed over to take charge. Steelworks that were not profitable, or not profitable enough, were ruthlessly closed down. In the steel town of Consett, Co Durham, unemployment reached 50%.
Mr MacGregor was next delegated to perform the same surgery on the mines, where there was determined resistance from the Nation Union of Mineworkers (NUM), led by Arthur Scargill.
Prior to the 1984-85 miners' strike, the Tories had passed a succession of laws which in effect made it illegal to call a strike without a ballot, or to organise mass pickets.
Mr Scargill defied the law, which led to the NUM being heavily fined and his assets sequestered.
After the defeat of the year-long strike came the pit closures that cut Britain's mining industry to almost nothing.
The same treatment was dealt out in 1983 to the print union, the National Graphical Association (NGA), when it tried to use mass pickets to force Eddie Shah's Stockport Messenger Group of local newspapers to accept union-approved staffing levels at a new printing plant in Warrington.
The combination of high unemployment, changes in the law and tough action all but crippled the union movement.
George Osborne yesterday described Baroness Thatcher as "our generation's inspiration".
The Chancellor certainly seems to have been inspired by her radical 1981 Budget.
The former Prime Minister defied the Keynesian conventional economic wisdom, slashing public expenditure and raising taxes in a recession in order to bring down public borrowing and inflation. The economy began to grow almost straight away, although unemployment carried on rising, peaking at more than three million.
The total burden of taxation did not shift much in the Thatcher era, hovering around 40% of GDP. But personal taxes did come down.
During her time in office the top rate of income tax fell from 83% to 40% and the basic rate was reduced from 33% to 25%.
Lady Thatcher did succeed in bringing down inflation from its ruinous highs of 22% in 1980 to a low of 4.2% in 1987, despite abandoning command-and-control incomes policies and pay deals with the unions.
Inflation had risen to 10% by the time she left office thanks to a housing boom her policies had helped to stoke.
Perhaps Lady Thatcher's most enduring economic legacy was the deregulation of the City of London in 1986, known as the Big Bang.
This resulted in an explosion of speculation as the old institutional divisions between stock buyers and stock sellers were torn down.
As the UK's manufacturing base contracted, the economy became increasingly dominated by the power of finance.
Baroness Thatcher was determined to preside over an increase in the number of homeowners, believing that there were too many council tenants.
During the 1970s, many tenants had wanted to buy their homes, but councils resisted because they had an obligation to house the homeless.
Lady Thatcher and her Environment Secretary, Michael Heseltine, legislated to compel councils to sell at a cut price to any tenant wanting to buy, and banned them from using the proceeds to build new homes. All of it went into reducing their debts.
More than 1.25 million tenants took advantage of the Right To Buy scheme, which raised £18bn and converted thousands of Labour voters into Conservatives – though as council-housing stock shrank, homeless beggars appeared on the streets for the first time in 30 years.
In 1979, there were also strict rules covering banks and building societies that stood in the way of first-time buyers.
Banks did not offer mortgages, and building societies were not allowed to hold savings accounts or borrow on the money markets.
The Thatcher government lifted these restrictions, allowing building societies to convert into banks, and banks to become mortgage lenders.
This set off a boom in house-buying which suddenly crashed in 1989, as families were plunged into negative equity.
No other post-war Prime Minister looked across the Channel with such an air of simmering distrust.
The one positive thing that can be said about Baroness Thatcher's attitude to the European Union is that she never considered pulling out, as Ukip would have us do.
She put her signature on the Single European Act in 1986, which created the single market and reduced the number of issues on which the UK or any other member could wield a veto.
But from the beginning of her premiership, she shocked other European leaders with her handbag-swinging negotiating style.
This paid dividends at first, when she secured a reduction in the UK contribution to the EU budget.
The battle which contributed to her undoing was over the Exchange Rate Mechanism, precursor of the single currency, which tied the value of sterling to the German mark and other currencies.
Her vehement opposition triggered the resignations of her Chancellor, Nigel Lawson, and former Chancellor, Sir Geoffrey Howe.
Mr Howe accused her in his resignation speech of believing that Europe was "positively teeming with ill-intentioned people".
In the long run, her attitude had curiously little impact on Britain's position within the EU, but created a lasting open wound in the Conservative Party, which has not properly healed even now.
Throughout her political career she was dogged by the epithet "Margaret Thatcher – Milk Snatcher", a result of her decision while Education Secretary to axe free school milk for seven-to-11-year-olds. She was moved to write in her autobiography: "I learned a valuable lesson – I had incurred the maximum of political odium for the minimum of political benefit."
As Prime Minister, though, she was responsible for many of the reforms now being built upon by the current Education Secretary, Michael Gove.
Her Great Education Reform Bill – "Gerbil" – was responsible for setting up the Office for Standards in Education (Ofsted) and a regular cycle of school inspections, allowing schools to opt out of local education authority control and manage their own budgets.
She could, however, be pragmatic. She retreated on plans to introduce student loans in the face of massive opposition from students, and middle-class Tory voters, in the early 1980s – although it was only a delay in their introduction.
A surprising fact to emerge from her reign as Education Secretary was that she was responsible for the closure of more grammar schools than any other Education Secretary.
Baroness Thatcher was no great believer in local democracy, despite being an alderman's daughter. The biggest single transfer of power from local government to the centre in modern times was when she abolished the business rate, which used to be paid directly to local councils but since 1990 has gone to the Treasury.
Her Government was also the first to use the law to restrict council spending.
Councillors in Liverpool and Lambeth who refused to comply were disqualified and personally surcharged.
Finally, Lady Thatcher decided to go for what seemed like the ultimate weapon.
The Conservative manifesto for the 1987 General Election included a promise to abolish the rates outright and introduce a new "community charge" tax, dubbed by opponents the "poll tax".
As councils set their poll-tax rates, there were disturbances across the country, culminating in a major riot in central London in May 1990.
This contributed more than any other domestic policy to Lady Thatcher's downfall that year.
It is often said the current NHS reforms are the biggest in its history.
In terms of scale that may be true, but in terms of their direction of travel, that was set 25 years ago, announced by Baroness Thatcher on the BBC Panorama programme in 1988.
The trigger was a crisis at Birmingham Children's hospital where heart operations had been postponed for lack of funding, putting young lives at risk.
The NHS had lurched from crisis to crisis during the 1980s and the Government had once more been forced to seek an extra £100m from the Treasury to bale it out.
Patience was wearing thin, and the Tory party was growing restive.
The review ushered in the NHS internal market, the mechanism that introduced what many in the health service still revile: competition.
Health authorities ceased to run hospitals but instead "purchased" care from hospitals who had to compete with others.
Every development since has been a refinement of this market structure.
Has it improved the NHS?
The service is better today than it has ever been, with shorter waiting-lists, better access and higher standards of care than at any point in the last 60 years.
But many would say that has been achieved in spite of, not because of, constant reform.