Well, are you disillusioned with power sharing yet? We have this system because we have two predominant communities which could not bear to be governed by each other. That's the theory anyway.
So instead of having one in government and one in opposition we get both in government where they can keep an eye on each other. This plan emerged out of conditions that prevailed half a century ago when a static unionist majority governed smugly and badly.
It is worth reminding ourselves that those conditions no longer apply, that even if we were to revert to the form of government we had in 1972, when Stormont was prorogued, no unionist leader would be able to muster the 46 seats that would be needed for a majority.
There isn't the remotest prospect any more that a unionist party could govern alone. Nor do we have a simple two community division in society.
We have, in fact, the almost ideal conditions for majority rule democracy, a spread of diverse political positions which would impose the need for coalition if government was to be formed at all. And I think that voluntary coalition would be better for us than the mandatory one of today, for several reasons.
Two large parties, Sinn Fein and the DUP would each have to find coalition partners. Sinn Fein would try to woo the SDLP and the Alliance party, and these would have their conditions which would restrain Sinn Fein from pursuing some policies. They would also need the smaller parties, if such a parliament was to be constructed out of the current crop of MLAs.
The DUP would try to woo Ulster Unionists, who would surely have their price, and Alliance, and still wouldn't have enough seats. Would they be able to pull in the SDLP?
In fact, for the foreseeable future the DUP and Sinn Fein would have to compete for support from Alliance and other parties and both would have to moderate their less attractive tendencies and that would be a good thing.
Often in coalitions a right wing socially conservative party pulls the centre towards unpopular positions but it would be the other way round here, with small parties having a moderating effect on the stodgy intractable centre.
We would have a dynamic within our politics which would work to reduce rather than accentuate sectarianism. As things evolved, other permutations might become possible with smaller parties growing. We can't do things this way, theoretically, because big nationalist and big unionist parties, by which we mean Sinn Fein and the DUP, can not be trusted not to govern in their exclusively sectional interest.
But the system we have doesn't stop them. The DUP can deploy a cross-community device in the Executive to block - anything. Sinn Fein could do the same. The only way to change them is to force co-operation with others on them, and we are now at a stage at which a simple majority rule parliament would do that better than the system we have at present.
The DUP might find the change appealing. They would argue that simple majority rule would restore the form of democracy that they favoured from the start. They might feel a lot more comfortable in coalition with Alliance and the SDLP than with Sinn Fein. On the one hand such a coalition would moderate their evangelical, moralistic and right wing tendencies, stripping them of cross-community devices and petitions but on the other it would give them the satisfaction of seeing Sinn Fein in opposition.
Sinn Fein would scream that the SDLP had betrayed the nationalist cause. It would have difficulty selling the transition as anything other than a defeat for the Good Friday Agreement. The whole point of the IRA campaign and the peace process was to block the return to majority rule. But that was majority rule by unionists, and time and demography have taken care of that threat anyway.
The attraction for Sinn Fein would be that it would have the opportunity of governing in a coalition that excluded the DUP. An attraction for the rest of us would be that both Sinn Fein and the DUP would have to campaign for votes beyond their sectional bases. They would have to compete hard with the Alliance party and the smaller sectional parties, the UUs and the SDLP, and they would have to try to persuade us that they were competent to be a party for the whole region.
The parties for which majority rule would be most attractive are the smaller king makers. Voluntary coalition would give them clout and bargaining power which they currently don't have. Even the Greens and People Before Profit might find offers of ministerial posts in their pigeon holes.
Of course, Sinn Fein would argue, if there was a DUP/UU/Alliance/Green coalition, that Unionist majority rule was back but they would have a prospect they never had in the old days of replacing that government at the next election.
And the Unionist fear would be that demographic change in the coming decade might deliver a clear and unshiftable nationalist majority government. In that event, they would look back with longing at the Good Friday Agreement as having been their guarantor of perpetual access to power.
It is perhaps their long-term interest that would be the biggest obstacle to change. They never really wanted the Good Friday Agreement and power sharing but with near parity between nationalists and unionists in the assembly they have occasional vetoes that voluntary coalition would not give them. They even used one last week to block life-saving restrictions recommended by the chief medical officer.
The question is how we would get to that type of parliament from a power sharing system that is being lauded around the world as a peacemaking miracle. It is almost heretical to suggest that it has made things worse than they could be.
Sinn Fein and the DUP would have to concede the danger of being out of power altogether, perhaps for five, 10, 15 years at a time. But they would be challenged to find their way back to power by being more amenable. How could that be a bad thing?
Many would see it as the collapse of the Good Friday Agreement. It would take a whole new negotiation process. And can you imagine the cynicism afterwards, for the outcome would be the form of government we'd have inherited from the old Stormont if there had never been any troubles in the first place.