In the years before he died, I often visited former IRA commander, Brendan Hughes, in his tiny flat in Divis Tower.
Although against any return to war, he was utterly opposed to the Good Friday Agreement, or "Got F*** All" as he called it.
Such words were heresy to Sinn Fein ears. Indeed, they could get you into considerable trouble.
So after years of the party vigorously defending the agreement - and branding those sceptical republicans as 'dissidents' and 'enemies of the peace process' - it is surprising to see Francie Molloy pop up as a critical voice.
"We were sold a pup with the GFA," he tweeted. "No commitment from either Dublin or London to deliver for nationalists or republicans it was just a bluff."
There is no logic whatsoever to the Mid Ulster MP's comments. The Good Friday Agreement was not something conjured up quickly by the big bad Brits and presented to Sinn Fein to say yea or nay to at the 59th minute of the 11th hour.
Sinn Fein was present every inch of the way at the negotiations. I covered this. I saw them walking in and out of Castle Buildings, Stormont, every hour of every day. After the signing of the Agreement, there was a six-week referendum campaign. Sinn Fein had ample time to study the document, to explore it, to get lawyers to go through the text line by line and assess what exactly London and Dublin were legally committing to.
The agreement removed Articles 2 and 3 from the Irish constitution and enshrined the principle of consent - meaning that the people of Northern Ireland alone would decide the future of this state. As Ulster Unionist leader Steve Aiken on Monday said: "This wasn't hidden, it was there in black and white from the start."
Constitutional nationalists had always accepted the principle of consent. Sinn Fein had not, and it was a big ideological jump for the party to do so in 1998.
It made that leap much to the chagrin of some traditional republicans. Their arguments about the deletion of Articles 2 and 3 were ignored. While some left the Provisional movement over this historic compromise, Sinn Fein was successful in bringing the overwhelming majority of its base with it. That was no mean feat. It was done through endless internal meetings and conversations within "the republican family".
The very idea that the party blindly accepted the Good Friday Agreement is for the birds.
Francie Molloy says he is frustrated at the new Taoiseach's admission that he won't press London on a border poll.
But the Good Friday Agreement doesn't say there shall be a border poll or specify when it should take place. It's all rather vague.
Sinn Fein can hardly express disappointment with this almost quarter of a century after the document was signed. If it wanted a cast-iron guarantee on when a border poll would be called, why didn't it protest strongly at the time?
There was nothing that the Good Friday Agreement included, or didn't include, which was a deal-breaker for Sinn Fein.
The party has continually lauded the deal and demanded that it be strenuously defended and protected. It has never highlighted any flaws.
The Agreement was certainly no victory for traditional republicanism. It was a compromise aimed at making Northern Ireland work.
Francie Molloy is entirely loyal to the Sinn Fein leadership. Yet by his "sold a pup" remarks, he has inadvertently, but implicitly, cast doubt on their judgment 22 years ago.