Arlene Foster's political obituary has been written many times since 2017. That obituary has remained pretty constant though. Arlene Foster will be remembered for her lack of grace, lack of generosity, lack of manners and lack of political vision. Her resignation speech on sharing space is breathtakingly oblivious to her own legacy.
Despite this ignominy she gets to see in the Centenary celebrations in May and handover for the Glorious 12th. She was not in control of the year of her exit, but is in control of the month. But her resignation is the denouement of a leader who could not lead in the context of a changing political landscape for which unionism has had no answers.
Arlene Foster has been effectively sacked because the largest party of political unionism, and those parties that exist in its slipstream, cannot cope with the changes in the political environment.
To listen to much of the coverage the DUP is now at a crossroads on whether it goes right or left, but that misses the fundamental question. It misses the truth that the DUP can only govern in partnership with the other parties and after the last Assembly election that means governing from a position of minority. Unionism's majoritarian position is gone for good. Rather than asking the right vs left question, what we really have to ask is whether the DUP is capable of governing at all in a changing demographic environment?
In 2009 the SDLP's Alex Attwood accused Sinn Fein of having "rings run around them" by the DUP. Whatever the fairness or unfairness of the accusation, following the collapse of the institutions in 2017 there was a step change approach from Sinn Fein to the DUP. Arlene Foster's bad temper has been on regular display in this restored administration as she cannot control all around her.
Outnumbered by pro-remain parties at the Executive table, and the deputy First Minister Michelle O'Neill refusing to allow any return to the status quo of majoritarianism, we see repeatedly how issues, which might previously been passed without heat leading to regular votes at the Executive table and the triggering of cross community votes.
The long fight for funding for Magee Campus and the medical school is just one example of a DUP defeat and a community gain in this new environment.
But for the DUP this is a challenging reality with which they appear unable to cope, preferring instead to find someone to blame rather than strategies to work. Being part of an Executive that is meeting its legal obligations to women's health care, Irish language rights or LGBTQ rights, seems to make their world spin.
Instead of explaining political reality to their base they garner signatures of complaint. Arlene Foster, just like Peter Robinson and Ian Paisley before her, has become the scapegoat for DUP inability to share power on an equal basis, and for their own political failures.
The DUP squandered their Westminster position pursuing a self defeating and nihilistic form of Brexit. The DUP created the resulting Protocol. While trucks come and go every day and business makes the Protocol work, the DUP and loud voices in loyalism pretend their choices on Brexit had nothing to do with its introduction. Equally the Protocol has become the talisman for all of unionism's constitutional ills. A talisman that does serious heavy lifting.
The reality is that constitutional change on this island is being debated and planned for by just about everyone else. Some of that debate has been accelerated by Brexit, and the DUP's handling of it, but overwhelmingly it is in the context of the demographic change that informs the end of majoritarianism. It is also accelerated by the growing sense that the NI PLC experiment is over.
The failure of successive DUP ministers to engage with 21st century Ireland, north and south, and actively acting like King Canute trying to hold back the tide of progress is as much at the heart of opening previously agnostic or even soft unionist minds to the possibility of a United Ireland.
The next DUP leader might engage with those realities, engaging with the other parties at the Executive as real partners, making Strand 1 of the Good Friday Agreement actually work.
They might make their brand of unionism attractive to more than their mates. But the probability is it will just be more of the same negative, ostrich politics, denying human rights, insulting Irishness, debasing our peace agreement.
But if that is the course they strike, the truth is the next political agreement to be negotiated will be the transition to a new Ireland.
Andree Murphy is deputy director of Relatives for Justice and a political commentator