That classic Northern Ireland border poll question is still with us, bubbling away in the background behind the coronavirus emergency.
We've recently had the results from the latest Northern Ireland Life and Times (NILT) survey, including the border referendum poll question, which indicated that 51% of Northern Ireland currently supported the Union.
This, once again, is the same result for support for the Union as in all other polls and surveys, including previous NILT projects.
Indeed, all polls and surveys over the past several years have this key status quo result at around 50% (give or take a few per cent either way); this includes those from Queen's University, Belfast, LucidTalk, Liverpool University's post-2019 election survey, digital publisher The Detail, Lord Ashcroft's polls and previous NILT surveys.
One key point that should be noted about polls regarding the border is that they don't offer a balanced choice between two options, both of which are equally known to the respondent.
The pro-Northern-Ireland-in-the-UK poll score represents support for the status quo (ie the "known"). It's "known", because Northern Ireland people already know what Northern-Ireland-in-the-UK means; after all, they're living in it.
But there are thousands of questions about a united Ireland; what its political structures would be and what way it would work?
A united Ireland is the "unknown" and, therefore, it's not surprising that, within the other 50% in the polls, opinion varies widely between pro-united Ireland and "don't know". This difference is not the fault of the pollsters - it just reflects the current situation.
Mind you, a 50% poll score for the Union is not that high, taking into account that it's the "known" option, and it's understandable that unionists are reluctant to support an actual border referendum at this time, given this precarious poll result.
It will not be enough for unionism to win a border referendum; it must win it well to calm and quieten the debate.
If it's a close pro-Northern-Ireland-in-the-UK result, then Sinn Fein and the republican movement will keep the debate alive and push for another border referendum after seven years (as allowed for in the legislation).
This is why unionism really needs to get 55% support (at least) for Northern Ireland to stay in the UK, but it also needs to score this result on a healthy turnout - ie, 75%-plus.
This would mean unionism would also have a good chance of hitting the critical target of having the majority of the electorate supporting Northern-Ireland-in-the-UK, not just the majority of the vote (ie, turnout). However, that is a big ask.
Unionism seems to put a lot of its hopes in the great, silent majority; the so-called "garden-centre unionists", who don't normally vote in elections, but may come out in a border poll to support the Union.
This could be right (there will be a large number who will participate in a border referendum who don't normally vote in elections), but it's a risky strategy for unionism to rely solely on this.
The polls also show that a notable number of Alliance voters, some SDLP and, yes, even some Sinn Fein would quietly support the status quo.
But, as LucidTalk's polls show (and this is critical), it's doubtful that all of these types of voters would go out to a polling station and vote pro-Northern-Ireland-in-the-UK in an actual border referendum.
This silent "soft unionist" grouping won't vote for a united Ireland, but to go out and vote for Northern Ireland to remain in the UK would be a step too far for many of them, especially those who normally vote for the SDLP and Sinn Fein. As such, the comfortable way out for these voters is to abstain, like "Don't Knows"/"Not Sures" in opinion polls.
This is why you may find that the turnout in a border poll, if it ever happens, may not be as high as many expect. And this could damage unionism's ability to get that all-important headline majority of Northern Ireland votes in favour of the Union.
On the opposite side of the debate, the united Ireland option is, of course, currently hypothetical; it asks people to imagine quite a lot.
What about the NHS? Would there still be a local administration at Stormont?
What role would the UK and Dublin governments take in a border referendum? What about UK National Insurance contributions? Will they still apply in a united Ireland? And so on.
Answers to these questions (and countless others) are currently unknown, but would hugely impact polls on the issue and also the outcome of any actual border referendum.
Commenting on poll questions covering hypothetical situations, Anthony Wells, director of political research at YouGov, says: "As a general rule, you can only usefully ask people a polling question if they actually know the answer and most of us aren't actually very good at predicting how we will respond to hypothetical situations."
He adds: "Polls measure current public opinion.
"They can't predict the future. And while you can ask respondents to predict their own future opinions, they aren't necessarily very good at it."
So, in reality, polls won't be able to get a more meaningful view on what Northern Ireland really thinks about its current constitutional status versus the alternative until a referendum date is set (if ever), a campaign is under way and we start to get some answers to the questions detailed above.
All polls and surveys about the border issue are useful and give an approximate "feel" for current opinion in Northern Ireland.
But be careful about reading too much into them at this stage, especially those lower, 20%-30% poll scores for a hypothetical, still-unknown united Ireland.
The actual results in a real "live" border referendum could be very different.
Bill White is managing director of Belfast polling and market research company LucidTalk. You can follow LucidTalk on Twitter: @LucidTalk