The iron law of Ulster Unionist politics is that sectarian solidarity ultimately trumps everything else. So, in accordance with that commandment, after delaying for two whole days, the Ulster Unionists joined all the other unionist parties in demanding the resignation of Simon Byrne, the Chief Constable of the PSNI.
In doing so, Sinn Fein must have given a huge sigh of relief, as the unionist parties had wrongly focussed their collective ire not on Sinn Fein's outrageous misbehaviour at the Bobby Storey funeral, but at the Chief Constable. It is a classic case of firing at the wrong target.
In attempting to justify the UUP's sudden change of heart, its leader, Steve Aiken, in a cringe-worthy interview on the Nolan Show, dismally failed to explain their sudden challenge to the Chief Constable's continued leadership.
Mr Aiken repeated the mantra that the unionist party and the unionist community no longer had any confidence in Simon Byrne.
Repeatedly pressed, in a superb cross-examination by Nolan, Mr Aiken failed to come up with any credible explanation as to why.
At the end of the horrendous interview, few listening to the programme would have retained much confidence in Mr Aiken's own leadership.
Last week, the Nolan Show provided a valuable broadcasting platform that allowed the ordinary listener an opportunity to understand the unfolding situation.
Simon Byrne boldly allowed himself to be grilled by Nolan. He did well and withstood Nolan's tough questioning.
Alan Todd, the police Gold Commander in charge of the Storey funeral, was confident and convincing on the same programme.
That is not to say, that the police still do not have awkward questions to answer. Those important answers may be forthcoming in the upcoming examination and report of HM Inspectorate of Constabulary.
One perplexing aspect is why a funeral parade was deemed necessary to go all the way down the Andersonstown Road from St Agnes's Church to Milltown cemetery.
As there was no interment of Mr Storey's remains at the republican plot at Milltown graveyard, why was it necessary to parade down the road?
Why couldn't the deceased's remains have been respectfully conveyed directly by hearse to the crematorium at Roselawn, via Kennedy Way?
If Sinn Fein insisted on this to the police, why was that permitted, as this was not an essential part of the funeral at all?
Nor, was this unnecessary parade consistent with the coronavirus public health restrictions.
The reality is, that Sinn Fein wanted to show off by way of public demonstration their power and support in west Belfast.
In many ways, Sinn Fein are a grim reminder of what it was like to live under the all-powerful, bullying unionist regime.
The imperious unionist Establishment simply did what they liked and arrogantly ignored everybody else.
Michelle O'Neill has instead given empty forms of apology and has ignored the overwhelming vote of censure by the Assembly.
She has yet to say, in a forthright manner, that in retrospect she should not have gone to the funeral, or that she undermined the public health message on combating coronavirus.
But the institutional arrogance of Sinn Fein prevents any such contrition by her, or any of their leadership.
They are too powerful and too proud to be contrite, even though the very institutions that they are running in tandem with the other parties, are now in grave peril.
Like the unionists of old, they have learnt nothing and forgotten nothing.
What seems to have been forgotten in the cacophony of voices surrounding this issue is that it was the police who recommended the prosecutions of 24 Sinn Fein representatives, who had attended the funeral.
It was the Public Prosecution Service that subsequently rejected these recommendations on the grounds that the coronavirus regulations were themselves confusing and difficult to understand and also that there had been prior engagement between the police and Sinn Fein.
The implication of the latter being that the police had thereby compromised the prosecutions.
This rift between what the police saw as an appropriate engagement with Sinn Fein and the PPS's interpretation as an inappropriate action is problematic for future working relations between these two agencies.
The PPS's decision-making is itself now under review and those decisions may yet be revisited.
This is a big challenge for the PPS, who were faced with the most sensitive and politically charged cases of recent times.
Despite their legitimate reservations, the question arises as to why the PPS didn't just allow the cases to go to court and let the court decide.
This would have been the best way of testing the issues that they were concerned about.
Now, we have aimless loyalist rioting on our streets. This is scarcely surprising, given the febrile state of our politics.
Inflammatory language in the public arena produces incendiary results. Meanwhile, Sinn Fein must be laughing at their Houdini-like escape.