It’s easy to see exactly what Torrens Knight is. The image of the snarling, sectarian serial killer was captured perfectly and viewed across the world after he was charged with the Greysteel Massacre.
e didn’t even try to hide the hatred in his heart as he laughed like a maniac and shouted abuse when led out of Limavady courthouse handcuffed in 1993.
But there are others who never pulled a trigger but whose hands are just as drenched in blood as any paramilitary.
Faceless figures in the security apparatus who colluded by omission or commission with those who sledge-hammered down doors and shot dead men sleeping beside their wives.
People whose photos will never appear in the newspapers, whose names we don’t know, who enabled atrocities to happen.
We got yet another glimpse into this horrific world with the release of the Police Ombudsman Marie Anderson’s report into 19 UDA killings in counties Derry and Antrim from 1989-93.
An appalling vista was laid bare. Police failing to make individuals aware of threats to their lives; the deliberate destruction of records relating to informers suspected of involvement in serious crime including murder; UDR members with loyalist links attending security briefings where they had access to high-grade intelligence.
The excuses we’ve heard trotted out time and time again just don’t wash. This was not in the early or worst years of the Troubles when police were inexperienced or under immense pressure.
The collusive behaviour came from a seasoned police force as the conflict entered its final years with reduced death tolls. And yet there are those who just don’t get it, or don’t want to get it, about collusion.
They’re fine at calling out the murderous activities of republican and loyalist paramilitaries. However, when it comes to acts of State terrorism, it’s heads in the sand.
If pushed, they might acknowledge a few ‘bad apples’. But they won’t address questions about who planted the orchard or rolled the barrels.
Addressing collusion doesn’t mean besmirching the reputation of the overwhelming majority of ordinary decent police officers.
Yet the failure of the police structurally to address problems is laid bare in the report. All too often it appears that the RUC dealt with reports of illegal behaviour in the same way the Catholic Church did — by moving the alleged offender.
Intelligence was received in 1991 that a Derry-based policeman, Officer 12, was passing information to loyalist paramilitaries. No evidence could be found that the RUC conducted a criminal investigation.
Rather, Officer 12 was “moved to another policing district because of threats to his safety”.
Officer 23 was stationed in the North West in 1988. Intelligence was received that he was a close associate of a prominent loyalist suspected of involvement in murder.
A senior officer raised concerns with him and Officer 23 gave undertakings to “cool” the relationship. But he continued to be seen in the company of the loyalist — he was then moved to Belfast.
The ombudsman states: “This investigation has identified a number of police officers with links to loyalist paramilitaries during the period when the North West UDA/UFF was one of the most prolific terrorist organisations in Northern Ireland.
“I am of the view that the RUC adopted an inconsistent and inadequate approach when dealing with a number of these police officers.”
Let us remember that at the time when most of the killings investigated by the Police Ombudsman were carried out, the UDA was a legal organisation.
It wasn’t banned until August 1992. Despite being up to its neck in murder, extortion, drugs and intimidation, the British government refused to proscribe it. All sorts of spurious arguments were made — that outlawing the UDA would be counter-productive, that it would alienate the unionist community, and stretch even further a police force already dealing with the IRA.
The UDA openly maintained a Belfast headquarters. Its telephone number was listed in the Yellow Pages. That sent out the message that loyalist violence was less reprehensible than republican violence.
Of course, collusion was not confined to the UDA and UVF. IRA serial killer Freddie Scappaticci was a protected species.
The ruthlessness of paramilitaries on both sides of the divide is universally recognised, but we should expect far higher standards of the state. It is never acceptable that it allows the murder of its own citizens.
We know the IRA, UVF, and all the rest, broke the law to snuff out life with utter ruthlessness.
We expect those paid to uphold it to have dramatically different standards. We must rigorously hold them to account if they don’t.
Novak’s losing game
With every day that passes in the Australian Open saga, Novak Djokovic is hammering another nail in the coffin of his reputation.
It’s not just his own arrogance and entitlement which is remarkable, it’s that nobody in his camp has the brains to tell him there are some battles you just can’t win.
For a player long desperate for the love of the crowd, he has guaranteed that an unprecedented number will now be against him at every tournament he’s in.
In his determination to play in Melbourne, it has emerged how he broke Covid isolation rules in Serbia, and it’s alleged he lied on his travel form by not declaring two countries he’d visited.
Future Grand Slam wins will surely come his way but, in terms of his standing, it’s game, set and match against Djokovic.
DUP job ploy may backfire
For the government to reintroduce double-jobbing to help Jeffrey Donaldson’s DUP bring some of its MPs back to Stormont is a grossly cynical manoeuvre.
Alliance, the UUP and TUV are outraged. The DUP needs the SDLP or Sinn Fein to sign up to this to give them cover.
If not, they’re in danger of being left exposed by a clever move which could backfire with voters.
The DUP has previously paid the price for its readiness to embrace Tories bearing gifts.
